Engaging with the vision of Ireland, post-Killarney – Were it not for the Sinn Fein annual do in Killarney, the referendum in the Republic on the Eurozone would have passed by without a noticeable degree of serious comment in the Northern Ireland media. Up to last weekend it was a media non-event in the six counties. That is how far apart the two political parts of this island are in that respect.
The Sinn Fein stance at Killarney, as articulated by the best known export from West Belfast, its president Gerry Adams, was fascinating. It was somewhat to the right of the extreme Eurosceptic right of the British Tory party in regard to centralised economic theory and at the same time well to the left of the leftmost of the Labour party in terms of economic justice. That said, his stance seems to be having appeal in those areas of the Republic where the real effects of austerity measures are being felt most. He and his party may not as yet attract much publicly acknowledged support in the leafy glades of South Dublin, but in the Ballymuns of the state it has already resonated and will continue to impact upon the body politic. Sinn Fein knows par excellence how to build on a grievance no matters whether it is real or imagined.
Is it fair to suggest that most folk in the south regarded Sinn Fein as purely a minority response to the northern state and that until fairly recently little thought has been given to this emotional group of former freedom fighters (or terrorists) and their fellow political travellers coming to any degree of effective power in Dail Eireann?
In most countries in Europe the imposition of austerity measures has fed those parties who emphasised an internalising nationalism contra those political opponents which according to these nationalist politicians have toed the line to the perceived wisdom of the leading central Europhiles. In France, the Netherlands and Greece to name but a few countries, skeptical nationalist parties in each have benefitted electorally from the imposition of financial austerity measures driven by the state of the Euro. They have used discontent with their country’s fiscal policies to effectively attack and undermine their county’s government.
The Irish Times comment of the past weekend (Reference link below) reflected this, and its description how the tortuous process of ratification of European treaties was polarising debate and setting the established parties against the prevailing national mood in Ireland was both accurate and timely.
Whilst Sinn Fein may not have an overt major impact on Thursday’s referendum, let there be no doubt that it will gain from it. This exercise will bring further new voters to its cause, and the most effective party political machine anywhere on this island will garner and nurture those votes.
Once again the Irish Times observation was well focused in pronouncing that disenchantment with the political status quo was feeding what it described as, “the irresistible advance of Sinn Fein”.
Without doubt, Sinn Fein have been, and continue resolutely on a long march. They are now showing a deftness of touch which few would have given them credit for ten years ago. A Sinn Fein deputy minister meeting the Queen is being discussed publicly. Nothing may come of it in the foreseeable future, but in that it is being addressed, is in itself a signal of change. Place that alongside the well publicised proposals of a necessary decade of reconciliation with and understanding of the northern Unionist made in first class political, pragmatic, public statements at Killarney, and there is indication of a momentum in an area in which the longer-standing political parties in the republic have been almost totally sterile.
Participation in the Stormont super-county council is but a staging camp on Sinn Fein’s ultimate goal, namely effective power in Dail Eireann, and the fulfillment of its overall vision of an island politically unified for the first time under an Irish government which it will form or have a major determination of. Its vision of itself is as the effective power-broker in Dublin and Belfast.
In the wake of the Killarney conference it was verified that “Protestant churchmen” had been in ongoing dialogue with Sinn Fein. This begs the question as to whether a self-appointed group can be there for the long haul, no matters how qualified, well esteemed or authentic, or even with the tacit support of the churches of which they may happen to be members.
Should a body claiming to be “The Church of Ireland”, not have a top-priority group which is approved and encouraged to conduct a dialogue with the parties which constitute the political process in both parts of this island which is the prime locus of its concern and responsibility for the influence of the Gospel? In difficult times in the past a “Role of the Church Committee” served this Church well. Indeed it may have been “executed” and dispensed with for doing so too well with its prophetic questioning of political perceptions in the Republic, consequent to its critique of like matters in Northern Ireland.
If the Church of Ireland is to claim the right to be a Godly influence in the Ireland of the future, it must be prepared to allocate first class human resources with the necessary support to engage effectively with all the political parties which are seeking to elicit support for their particular vision of Ireland.
Sinn Fein did not get where it is in respect of its overtures to Unionists without engaging with representatives of the churches. In Northern Ireland this was over a broad front. In particular in education, the protestant churches did not join in a pan-unionist attempt to bring down the local education boards in a protest at London-Dublin treaties. And in equally independent fashion, when a Sinn Fein appointee first became Minister of Education, the protestant churches’ education boards’ representatives accepted him in that role, and sought to establish and readily gained mutual trust in their dealings with each other.
More of the same is required today as Ireland, Europe and the world attempt to cope with the most major financial problem since the Great Depression, and also with the societies which will be shaped by both current and ongoing political responses to these efforts. Under the Gospel imperative the Church cannot adopt spectator or commentator status. It must be fully engaged in the process, responding to and upholding the values of the Gospel of Jesus, which has in its printed record and spirit much more to say about financial justice than sex.
Houston McKelvey
Irish Times comment see:
http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/opinion/2012/0528/1224316805191.html